The End of the Maoist Era: Chinese Politics During the by Frederick C Teiwes
By Frederick C Teiwes
This booklet launches an formidable reexamination of the elite politics in the back of probably the most striking differences within the overdue 20th century. because the first a part of a brand new interpretation of the evolution of chinese language politics through the years 1972-82, it presents an in depth research of the top of the Maoist period, demonstrating Mao's carrying on with dominance whilst his skill to regulate occasions ebbed away. The tensions in the "gang of four," different therapy of Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping, and the principally unexamined position of more youthful radicals are analyzed to bare a view of the dynamic of elite politics that's at odds with authorised scholarship. The authors draw upon newly on hand documentary resources and wide interviews with chinese language members and historians to improve their demanding interpretation of 1 of the main poorly understood sessions within the background of the People's Republic of China.
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Additional resources for The End of the Maoist Era: Chinese Politics During the Twilight of the Cultural Revolution, 1972-1976 (The Politics of Transition, 1972-1982)
50 In any case, once posted to Beijing, Wang was out of his depth with the consequences of repeated tension with his fellow radicals and a general unhappiness with life at the Center. 51 Apart from these conflicts, even stronger evidence comes from the behavior of the “gang” in the period from Mao’s death to their arrest in October 1976. As we shall see in Chapter 8, contrary to official assertions that they planned to seize power, the radicals repeatedly differed among themselves and did not develop a coordinated strategy, despite their undoubted common interests as Mao’s soldiers for defending the Cultural Revolution.
As we shall see in Chapter 2, the reasons for this attack are complicated, including Mao’s anger that Zhou had had continued discussions with Henry Kissinger without consulting him, and his earlier dissatisfaction with foreign affairs work. But arguably, the most important factor was Mao’s resentment of Zhou’s prestige both domestically (because of his identification with the rehabilitation of old cadres and anti-leftist measures) and internationally (where much foreign commentary credited the Premier with being the architect of the Sino-American rapprochement).
36 Whether Kang was as unmitigatedly evil as almost invariably depicted is beyond the scope of our analysis, although Deng Liqun, who was not beholden to Kang, would claim in the post-Mao period that he was not as bad as portrayed. See Deng Liqun guoshi jiangtan, vol. 3, p. 341. For the conventional view, see John Byron and Robert Pack, The Claws of the Dragon: Kang Sheng— The Evil Genius Behind Mao—and His Legacy of Terror in People's China (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992). On Kang as aligned to the radicals and opposed to Zhou Enlai, see MacFarquhar, “Succession,” pp.