Against Throne and Altar: Machiavelli and Political Theory by Paul A. Rahe
By Paul A. Rahe
Glossy republicanism - exotic from its classical counterpart through its advertisement personality and jealous mistrust of these in energy, via its use of consultant associations, and via its employment of a separation of powers and a approach of tests and balances - owes a major debt to the republican test carried out in England among 1649, whilst Charles i used to be carried out, and 1660, while Charles II was once topped. although abortive, this test left a legacy within the political technological know-how articulated either by way of its champions, John Milton, Marchamont Nehdham, and James Harrington, and by means of its someday opponent and supreme supporter Thomas Hobbes. This quantity examines those 4 thinkers, situates them in regards to the unconventional species of republicanism first championed greater than a century earlier than through Niccolo Machiavelli, and examines the debt that he and so they owed the Epicurean culture in philosophy and the political technology crafted by way of the Arab philosophers Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes.
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Additional info for Against Throne and Altar: Machiavelli and Political Theory Under the English Republic
See also Quentin Skinner, “Hobbes and the Purely Artificial Person of the State,” in Skinner, Visions of Politics (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002) III: Hobbes and Civil Science, 177–208. The state is an abstract entity constituted by power; and to the extent that it has a tangible existence, it is indistinguishable from the arms by which that power is exerted – the police forces, the standing army, and the bureaucracy that make up the permanent government in every modern polity.
S. 26 (1986): 3–26. The more fervent admirers of Machiavelli’s populism are inclined to discount, dismiss, or ignore this evidence and to read their own predilections – political moderation and a profound longing for stability and prosperity, an admiration for equality under the law, a seething resentment of the rich and well-born, an enthusiasm for the moment of revolutionary rupture when the distinction between ruler and ruled purportedly dissolves – into the Florentine: cf. Whitfield, Machiavelli, passim (esp.
32–33) need to be read in light of Cicero’s insistence on subordinating oratio to ratio (Off. 58, Inv. Rh. 178, De Or. 5–6) and in light of his commitment to a notion of differential moral and political rationality: Off. 69; Fin. 65–66; Rep. 8; Leg. 11–13. 11 There were, to be sure, other accounts, no less indebted to the peripatetic, in which oratory loomed less large. 12 On the question of differential moral and political rationality, Aristotle was, as we would expect, even more blunt than Cicero later would be.